The U.S. may
have initiated the absurd propagandistic ploy of equating teachers with
terrorists back when Bush’s Education Secretary, Reid Lyon, called the National
Educators Association a terrorist organization. However, the Mexican state has
taken it a step further, issuing arrest orders against Minervino Morán and
Gonzalo Juárez, leaders of the Guerrero Teachers Union (Coordinadora Estatal
de Trabajadores de la Educación en Guerrero, CETEG).
The arrest
order was issued by Angel Aguirre Rivero, governor of the state of Guerrero,
charging the two as instigators of the uprising of teachers who are opposing
President Enrique Peña Nieto’s free market reform agenda. Aguirre has accused
the two of being “vandals” and “delinquents,” and, more
alarmingly, with being connected to the ERPI guerrilla movement, according to the WSWS.
The strike began
in February as a protest against Nieto’s free market education reforms,
including privatization of public schools, teacher evaluations based on student
test scores and a restricting of union rights. In March, the Guerrero
government seemed to have conceded to the teachers, signing an agreement with
the CETEG that would have preserved free public education and “democratic”
teacher evaluations, as well as agreeing to pay back wages lost during the
strike.
When the
government appeared to be going back on their word, the teachers resumed their protests.
Joined by members of the union of public employees (Sindicato Único de
Trabajadores Públicos, SUSPEG) and the United Front of Teaching Schools (Frente
Único de Escuelas Normales, FUNPEG), the teachers blocked the highway connecting
Acapulco with México City in early April. The subsequent police assault
resulted in five arrests and three injured teachers.
The strikes shut
down numerous schools—20%, according to the Aguirre administration, which
threatened to replace teachers with scabs if they did not return immediately to
work. On April 10, legislators met to discuss changes to the
Guerrero Education Code. On April 24, according to the WSWS, the legislature
rejected union demands, including its demand to be part of the teacher evaluation
process. However, the legislature did agree to abolish student fees and keep
public education free in Guerrero.
Meanwhile,
at the same time legislators were meeting to discuss the changes, vandals
attacked the headquarters of all the major parties in the city of Chilpancingo,
according to the WSWS, while the police sat idly and did nothing, suggesting
that the vandals may have been agents
provocateur and not teachers or unionists, though CETEG President Moran
suggested that militant factions of his union were involved. The Mexico City
weekly Proceso magazine, reported that the vandals also attacked and
insulted female reporters.
Regardless
of whether the CETEG was behind the vandalism or the assaults, the union is
clearly more militant than its counterparts in the U.S., as their highway
blockade indicates. However, one should not confuse this militancy with any
fundamental philosophical or strategic differences. The union leaders’ primary
goals are to maintain their “seat at the table” with the legislators and their
elevated status and pay as union bosses. They are not interested in any sort of
radical reforms of the Mexican education system. For example, their demand for “democratic
evaluations” is merely a call for CETEG to be a “partner” with the Aguirre
administration, a vague plea that leaves open the use of student test scores
and other arbitrary and unreliable metrics that could be used to punish or fire
teachers vindictively, in response to their advocacy or union activities, or in
order to cull higher paid veterans.
Likewise,
the protests against the privatization of the Mexican education system, like
those by their counterparts in the U.S. and elsewhere, never call into question
the primary role of public education as a subsidy to the employers which provides them a sufficiently educated and obedient workforce and ample
consumers for their goods and services. Whether or not the schools are
privatized, the students are still treated as commodities and the teachers are still
exploited workers. The main difference is that privatization weakens the size
and power of the large national teachers unions and the job security of their
leaders.
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